phentermine fast delivery
When modern American phentermine fast delivery got started, it stressed limited government and individual freedom. Washington would protect property rights, provide for the national defense, institute a minimum safety net and help stabilize the international monetary system. Budgets would be balanced, deficits minimized or eliminated and inflation kept in check. The political structure would be decentralized and the majority of issues relegated to states for oversight. Yet times have changed, and not for the better. The movement has been undermined by religious ideologues and opportunists. They have sought to equate phentermine fast delivery with moralism and have made a politician's position on gay marriage more important than his views on national security. This has created two major problems. First, a Republican can betray phentermine fast delivery on every issue but be excused as long as his moral compass is straight. Second, younger generations are being turned off by phentermine fast delivery, seeing it as symbolizing something it actually does not, which weakens the movement's ability to sustain victory in the intellectual battle of ideas. Barry Goldwater, at the 1964 Republican National Convention, famously said, "Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice and … moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue." He wanted government out of people's lives and had little time to waste on social issues, which he felt Washington had no business micromanaging anyway. Twenty eight years later, at the 1992 convention, few traces of the old order remained. In its place, thanks to over a decade of intense effort by Christian ideologues and their supporters, phentermine fast delivery began injecting heavy doses of boorish morality. The Cold War was drawing to a close and the economy had rebounded from the 1982 recession which seemingly should have been the focus but the convention stopper was Pat Buchanan's speech announcing a nationwide Culture War. The Republican Party, the vehicle of American conservatives, increasingly veered off course. By the time George W. Bush took office, the level of decay had reached an apex. He and numerous congressional Republicans took on new labels, of which "compassionate conservative" is probably the more famous. While old conservatives aimed for reduced spending, smaller government and individual power, Bush and the new conservatives embraced centralization and dramatically increased spending. In fact, according to a 2005 study by the Cato Institute, which compared real spending under Bush II to previous presidents, this administration has presided over an 8 percent real growth in discretionary outlays one of the highest rates in modern history. Lyndon Johnson, whose Great Society birthed some of our largest entitlement programs, overtook Bush in total spending by a mere 0.1 percent! The Department of Homeland Security, lead by invisible secretaries and sending mixed messages about its ability to enhance coordination among federal relief agencies, has dramatically increased state bureaucracy. No Child Left Behind, centralizing education policy and stripping states of a great deal of control, has yielded very mixed results. The Medicare Prescription Drug Benefit, which some have called the largest expansion of the entitlement in its history, has exceeded costs beyond anything initially advertised. These trespasses matter little when talk shifts to social issues, which now dominate conservative and Republican Party discourse. Bush and party leaders can get away with fiscal and bureaucratic socialism as long as an amendment protecting marriage is promised and stem cell research vetoed. The power of the evangelical base within Republican circles has made the party more inclusive and less pragmatic. The personal has become fully political. As the 2008 campaign rolls on, the influence of the Christian base is felt at every turn. The candidates are forced to detail their Catholic school experiences and marriage problems. Plans to win the war on abortion are painstakingly analyzed, while most other things are dismissed with empty talking points. The base, along with their Democratic counterparts, need to be told that, moving rhetoric aside, national consensus on these issues is virtually unattainable and a rigid regional divide is inevitable. Through legislative action and public referenda, the people will make their decision on a state by state basis. In the meantime, instead of discussing whether Billy and Sam should tie the knot, maybe the American people ought to learn more about the political dynamics of Iran. Conservatism is losing support among youth. On college campuses across the country, conservatives are not seen as advocates of individual freedom but as theologians seeking to purify the cultural landscape. It is interesting that as soon as serious discussions begin about fiscal policy, foreign affairs or federal authority, many become sympathetic to our approach. The more theocratic the overtones phentermine fast delivery takes on, the more these gains will evaporate. American phentermine fast delivery needs to be healed and returned to its core ideals. The influence of religious ideologues and opportunists, who have mutated the movement into something it never was, should be weakened. The Republican Party has left its roots, with politicians able to get away with almost anything as long as their social positions stick to script. On and off campus, phentermine fast delivery's decline in appeal among youth threatens defeat in the battle of ideas. Boris Ryvkin '09 wants his movement and his party back. ... phentermine fast delivery